"On these there would be a Grancolombiano Parliament, a Court of Justice and Government Council, like in the European Union or the federal United States."
When Petro outlined his confederation proposal, he explicitly compared it to the European Union. The comparison is instructive—both for what it suggests is possible and for the challenges it reveals.
How the EU Works
The European Union is the world's most successful experiment in regional integration. 27 member states have pooled sovereignty in specific areas while retaining national independence in others. Key features include:
- European Parliament: Elected legislature with increasing powers
- European Court of Justice: Supranational court whose rulings override national law in areas of EU competence
- European Commission: Executive body proposing legislation and implementing policy
- European Council: Heads of government setting strategic direction
- Common Market: Free movement of goods, services, capital, and people
- Eurozone: Shared currency (for participating members)
What Petro Proposed
Petro's January 2026 outline suggested three institutions:
- Grancolombiano Parliament: Like the European Parliament, representing all member nations
- Court of Justice: Like the ECJ, adjudicating disputes and interpreting common rules
- Government Council: Like the European Council, coordinating executive action
Notably, Petro emphasized "autonomous nations"—suggesting something closer to the EU's respect for national sovereignty than a federal merger like the United States.
Advantages of the EU Model
Proven Feasibility
The EU demonstrates that regional integration across diverse nations is possible. If France and Germany—which fought three wars in 70 years—can share institutions, why not Colombia and Venezuela?
Flexible Membership
EU membership isn't all-or-nothing. Countries can join the single market without adopting the euro. They can participate in some programs while opting out of others. A Gran Colombia confederation could offer similar flexibility.
Preserved Sovereignty
EU members remain sovereign nations with their own armies, foreign policies (mostly), and domestic governance. Integration is selective, not total. This addresses fears of national identity erasure.
Challenges and Differences
Different Starting Point
The EU emerged from the ashes of World War II, with powerful incentives for peace. It built on decades of incremental integration—the Coal and Steel Community, the Common Market, the Single European Act. Gran Colombia would need to create similar momentum from a standing start.
Scale Difference
The EU has 27 members and 450 million people. Gran Colombia would start with 4 members and 104 million. Smaller scale makes some things easier (fewer interests to balance) but reduces collective weight.
Economic Disparities
Gran Colombia members have significant economic differences—Panama's GDP per capita is roughly three times Venezuela's. The EU manages similar disparities (Luxembourg vs. Bulgaria), but it took decades of regional development funds.
Institutional Weakness
Latin American institutions are generally weaker than European ones. Building a supranational court and parliament requires trust in institutions that hasn't always existed in the region.
A Gran Colombia Roadmap
If Gran Colombia were to follow the EU model, progression might look like:
- Phase 1: Free trade area eliminating tariffs
- Phase 2: Customs union with common external tariffs
- Phase 3: Common market with free movement of goods, services, capital
- Phase 4: Political institutions—Parliament, Court, Council
- Phase 5 (maybe): Free movement of people, shared citizenship
This would take decades. But the EU took decades too. The question is whether to start.
The Bottom Line
The EU proves regional integration is possible among diverse nations with different economies, different politics, and different histories. It also shows how hard it is—Brexit demonstrated that integration can be reversed.
A Gran Colombia confederation wouldn't replicate the EU exactly. It would adapt the model to Latin American conditions. But Petro is right to point to Europe as proof of concept.
If they can do it, we can too.
Sources
- • European Commission institutional documentation
- • EU integration history resources
- • Petro's January 2026 confederation proposal